America’s Compulsory education Essay

This webpage give a brief history of the roots of America’s Compulsory education starting in Massachusetts in 1852. This attendance law required all children to attend public school. The review of education across the country in modernity is stated as such on the website: that every state in the US requires school aged children (children of the age of 6) to attend or be enrolled in public or private school or to be home schooled. Although in most states the age of a school going child is controversial, as well as the age at which they may quit school (by either graduating at the age of 17 or 18, or by taking their GED), the website also offers that keeping a child in school (high school) may become a financial burden to the district as principles and teachers may spend more of their time handing out disciplinary reactions to the disruptive student instead of teaching. The website further states that truancy and school attendance varies from state to state. Appropriation Passage #1 â€Å"Today, every state and territory requires children to enroll in public or private education or to be home-schooled. More than half—32 states—require students to begin their education by age 6. Some states’ set their age requirements as low as age 5 and as high as age 8. All children are required to continue their education into their high school years, with 26 states setting the cutoff age at 16. The remaining states require students to stay in school through age 17 or 18† (The National Conference for State Legislatures, 2007). Critical Commentary on Passage #1: The above statement suggests that the overall attendance of school-aged children is dictated by the state, not by the federal government. Thus, it is the state’s responsibility to ensure that children are gaining proper education. The age range for a student to stop attending school is set at 16, but the website does mention at what age the GED can be taken, or mentioning at what age home schooled children may gain their degree and go to college. Passage #2 â€Å"States and territories also set a minimum age for children to enroll in kindergarten, which is typically one or two years earlier than the compulsory education age. Every state or territory with a policy on this issue has established age 5 as the minimum age† (The National Conference for State Legislatures, 2007). Critical Commentary on Passage #2 The website seems to have conflicting ideas about what age a child should begin school. One passage states that age five is the age to begin while another passage states that age 6 is the age to begin. With this change in age it seems that the older the child begins school, by the time the child reaches high school and is able to quit then the less education they would be exposed to. Passage #3 Some experts assert that age may be an arbitrary indicator or measure of a child’s ability to succeed in school and should not be used at all. Others point out that when a state considers legislation, such as Nebraska, allowing younger children to enter kindergarten, policymakers must understand that there is likely to be a large increase in the number of children entering kindergarten during the first year of the new policy, thereby straining already tight school district budgets and increasing the need for teachers† (The National Conference for State Legislatures, 2007). Critical Commentary on Passage #3 This passage mentions something that has been seen prior in the paper; that is the use of school resources to keep children in school who would desire otherwise (such as children who want to join the workforce, students who are ready for college and do not need to attend high school). It seems that according to this website, school districts across America not just isolated to one state are having a great difficulty in finding funding and teachers, because of this lack of funding are being forced to attend to class sizes that are too large for one teacher to handle. The website does not mention specific numbers by which the teachers must teach, but statistics show that one teacher typically has thirty plus students per class. This should be and needs to be mentioned on the website in order for an accurate portrayal of public schools and Compulsory Education to be properly examined. ANNOTATION #2 Source Information Illich, Ivan. Deschooling Society. 16 September 2007. Evaluation Paragraph The webpage offers an examination of the social and governmental agencies present in the United States ranging from Social Welfare, to schools. The author offers to the reader this twisted view of reality that has been forced into the conception of a student being ‘schooled’ when in fact they’re being taught merely to pass a grade and not necessarily learning anything of use. Appropriation Passage #1 â€Å"In these essays, I will show that the institutionalization of values leads inevitably to physical pollution, social polarization, and psychological impotence: three dimensions in a process of global degradation and modernized misery† (Illich 2007). Critical Commentary on Passage #1: The above statement gives the reader the point of view of the author and does not at this beginning part of the essay go into detail about facts. Although the webpage is primarily opinion, it should be balanced quite out of necessity with facts to back up the author’s point of view. The site does however offer intriguing commentary on school reform. Passage #2 â€Å"I want to raise the general question of the mutual definition of man’s nature and the nature of modern institutions which characterizes our world view and language. To do so, I have chosen the school as my paradigm, and I therefore deal only indirectly with other bureaucratic agencies of the corporate state: the consumer-family, the party, the army, the church, the media† (Illich 2007). Critical Commentary on Passage #2 In this passage again the reader sees the opinion of the author. The author does give the reader a chance to understand his topic in appropriation with his underlying theory. The fact that the author states that schools are becoming ill-directed and matches this institute with other institutes such as hospitals and police is an avenue of state and government issues that must also be focused on in the essay. Passage #3 â€Å"Not only education but social reality itself has become schooled. It costs roughly the same to school both rich and poor in the same dependency. The yearly expenditure per pupil in the slums and in the rich suburbs of any one of twenty U. S. cities lies in the same range-and sometimes is favorable to the poor† (Illich 2007). Critical Commentary on Passage #3 The author expounds upon his primary thesis statement of the reform of the school. In this statement however the reader can witness some facts about how the school should be reformed. Along this avenue the author continues to state that there should not be segregation in the education system and presents the dichotomy between rich and poor in education. ANNOTATION #3 Source Information Goodman, Paul. Two Simple Proposals. 16 September 2007. < http://www. factoryschool. org/rhood/goodman/twosimple. html> Evaluation Paragraph The website offers a brief analysis of higher education in regards to lack of funding for liberal arts in a society where technology is the fast growing commodity. Appropriation Passage #1 â€Å"Our educational reality can be seen in operation in the present kind of scheduling, testing, and grading; and if Dean Barzun is interested in making a change, he can start right here† (Goodman 2007). Critical Commentary on Passage #1: The above statement gives the reader a sense that the student body is becoming overwhelmingly concerned with their own education. This ranges from preliminary schooling to higher education. Thus, this website is in agreement with Illich’s ideas of how generalized testing does not necessitate learning, only route memorization. Passage #2 â€Å"There is little attention to individual pace, rhythm, or choice, and none whatever to the discovery of identity or devotion to intellectual goals. The aptitude and achievement testing and the fierce competition for high grades are a race up the ladder to high-salaried jobs in the businesses of the world, including the schooling business† (Goodman 2007). Critical Commentary on Passage #2 The author is revealing to the readers that the school system, although there is a no child left behind law, is in fact guilty of setting an exact pace in the classroom when the diversity of learners in the classroom would call for a specialized schedule. It is common knowledge that every person learns at their own pace and differently than another student. The state needs to find a measure whereby classroom grades are outdated criteria for educating students. Passage #3 â€Å"The purpose of this proposal is twofold: to get students with enough life-experience to be educable on the college level, especially in the social sciences and humanities; and to break the lockstep of twelve years of doing assigned lessons for grades, so that the student may approach his college studies with some intrinsic motivation, and therefore perhaps assimilate something that might change him† (Goodman 2007). Critical Commentary on Passage #3 The emphasis on education being a system of grades is further emphasized in this passage. As such, the reader retains the knowledge that although the social structure of education seems to be working across the board there are areas in which students are not getting enough knowledge or at least not a balanced incorporation of knowledge and hands-on experience. Work Cited Goodman, Paul. Two Simple Proposals. 16 September 2007. < http://www. factoryschool. org/rhood/goodman/twosimple. html> Illich, Ivan. Deschooling Society. 16 September 2007. The National Conference for State Legislatures : The Forum for America’s Ideas. 2007. 16 September 2007.

A Sunday on La Grande Jatte

A Sunday on La Grande Jatte, 1884 Georges Seurat A Sunday on La Grande Jatte medium's is an oil on canvas artwork painted by Georges Seurat for two years. His technique is basically painterly. It depicts realistic experiences of people at that time while having a relaxing Sunday in a suburban park in an island in Seine River. For some, it is as if Seurat wanted the ‘characters’ in his work to parade in nature. The elements that are highlighted in the painting are texture, value, and color. Georges Seurat used the form of painting called divisionism or most commonly known as pointilism. He was the first to use such form.This form projects a certain kind of rough texture for the artwork. The importance of value is given significance in portraying the feeling of the painting, giving it a certain feel of tranquility. Color is largely seen on how a serene Sunday should feel, happy and full of positive emotions. The painting's subject matter conveys the peacefulness the people at that time felt, how the people just slowly walk or sit around inhaling the beauty of their surroundings. It is basically a 2D painting in form. The painting literally communicates the calmness of that particular day. Looking at it makes you calm and reminiscing.Seurat’s work of art portrays a serene, calming moment where different kinds of people gather in the shoreline of an island in Seine River, taking pleasure in a Sunday afternoon. The artist’s seeming ‘cast’ composed of soldiers, boaters, the fashionably and casually dressed, the old and the young, families, couples, and single man and women. It appears to be that he is trying to assemble a certain kind of community consisting of different class of people. What is notable in this canvas is the characters’ explicit lack of interaction suggesting that it is because of their diverse class order.Seurat suggests starting a revolution in Impressionism, making his subjects like those in ancient G reeks live and move in a modern setting. The artist used oil paint in order to finish his work. His reverence for the material is evident on how he used it in a unique manner thus creating a certain kind of style called pointillism. A Sunday on La Grande Jatte serves as the start of Neo-Impressionism at the 19th century where Impressionism is widely popular. While both of them values the depiction of realism in painting and canvas, Neo-Impressionism differs because it is more defined and more conservative.As a whole, the painting exudes such immense harmony to people which particularly why I become fond of it. It also gives you an expression of anonymity, making you feel like you also want to have a piece of what the characters or the people in the painting are experiencing. In all fairness, the artwork gives calmness to people and serene to troubled heart. Sources: The Art Institute of Chicago http://www. artic. edu/aic/exhibitions/seurat/seurat_themes. html Artble http://www. artb le. com/artists/georges_seurat/paintings/a_sunday_afternoon_on_the_island_of_la_grande_jatte

Rurality in Post Industrial Society

Paper prepared for the conference ‘New Forms of Urbanization: Conceptualizing and Measuring Human Settlement in the Twenty-first Century’, organized by the IUSSP Working Group on Urbanization and held at the Rockefeller Foundation’s Study and Conference Center in Bellagio, Italy, 11-15 March 2002. Paper 14 THE NATURE OF RURALITY IN POST INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY By David L. Brown and John B. Cromartie? Draft 2/15/02 INTRODUCTION Urbanization is a dynamic social and economic process that transforms societies from primarily rural to primarily urban ways of life (Hauser, 1965). Few would dispute this definition, but how useful is it for examining the spatial reorganization of population and economic activities in postindustrial societies where a large majority of people, jobs, and organizations are concentrated in or dominated by urban agglomerations? The essence of this question hinges on our ability to differentiate between what is rural and urban in postindustrial societies. While this may have been a relatively straightforward task during the late 19th and early to mid 20th centuries, it has become an exceedingly complex question in the context of postindustrialization. We acknowledge the helpful comments of Calvin Beale, Kai Schafft, Laszlo Kulcsar, and the conference organizers Tony Champion and Graeme Hugo. Brenda Creeley prepared the manuscript. Early social scientists saw urbanization and industrialization as being reciprocally related. One process could not proceed without the other. While most scholars understood that urban and rural were not ent irely discrete categories, relatively clear lines could be drawn to distinguish urban from rural communities and distinct ways of life associated with each. In addition, early social scientists were convinced that the transformation from rural to urban-industrial society would be accompanied by a wide range of negative social outcomes. In fact, this concern is generally credited with motivating the rise of the new discipline of Sociology (Marx, 1976; Durkheim, 1951; Weber, 1968; Wirth, 1938). The social and economic organization of community life has been thoroughly transformed by technological and institutional changes since the mid 20th century. Accordingly, notions of what constitutes urban and rural communities that grew out of the era of industrialization may no longer offer a reliable lens with which to view contemporary settlement structures. They may no longer provide a reliable delineation of what is urban and what is rural, and consequently we may not be able to determine whether the level of urbanization is advancing, declining, or remaining constant. As a consequence, our analyses of population redistribution may bear little connection to the reality of spatial reorganization. The large literature on counter-urbanization, to which we are both contributors, may be missing the mark because it depends on data systems and geo-coding schemes that reflect a prior era of socio-spatial organization. Hence, our purpose in this paper is to propose a multidimensional approach for conceptualizing rurality that reflects the demographic, social, economic and institutional realities of postindustrial society. We agree with Halfacree (1993: p. 4) that â€Å"†¦the quest for an all-embracing definition of the rural is neither desirable nor feasible,† but we believe that social science can and should develop conceptual frameworks and geo-coding schemes to situate localities according to their degree of rurality. Since rurality is a multidimensional concept, the degree of rurality should be judged against a composite definition that includes key social, economic and demographic attributes. This approach rejects the notion of rural as a residual (after urban has be en measured). The operationalization of rurality should be flexible enough to differentiate urban from rural, while recognizing and appreciating the diversity contained within each category. Our approach to defining 2 rurality involves the material aspects of localities, but we acknowledge the validity of other approaches. As Halfacree and others have observed, rurality can be defined as a social representation. Or as he puts it, â€Å"the rural as space, and the rural as representing space† should be distinguished (1993: 34). We do not propose to debate the relative merits of the material and representational approaches in this paper. Each has a respected tradition in social science. Our sociodemographic approach is inspired by previous work of Paul Cloke, 1977 and 1986, while the social representation approach’s pedigree includes Moscovici, 1981, Giddens, 1984, and many other highly respected scholars. We feel that these approaches are complementary rather than competitive. As Martin Lewis has observed, â€Å"In the end, only by combining the insights of the new geography with those of the traditional approaches may human relatedness be adequately reconceptualized† (1991: 608). However, we emphasize the socioeconomic approach in this paper because of its utility for informing statistical practice essential to the quantitative empirical study of urbanization. Why Do We Need To Know What Is Rural In Postindustrial Society? At the most basic level, urbanization cannot be understood without also examining the nature of rurality. Perhaps it is axiomatic, but urbanization cannot proceed in postindustrial society unless rural people and communities persist and are at risk of â€Å"becoming urban. While there is copious evidence that rural-urban differences have diminished during the latter half of the 20th century, important differences have been shown to persist structuring the lives people live and the opportunities available to them (Brown and Lee, 1999; Fuguitt, et al. , 1989). In addition, what we believe about rural people and communities sets the agenda for public policy. The American public, for example, holds a strong pro-rural and/or antiurban bias that provides continuing support for agricultural and rural programs (Kellogg Foundation, 2002; RUPRI, 1995; Willits, et al. 1990), and quite possibly promotes population deconcentration (Brown, et al. , 1997). However, research has demonstrated that this pro-rural bias is based on nostalgic positive images of rural places, and a misunderstanding of the social and economic realities of rural life (Willits, et al. , 1990). What people value in rural communities is often formed â€Å"at a distance,† through literature, art and music, not through actual experience. As John Logan (1996: 26) has observed, â€Å"A 3 large share of what we value is the mythology and symbolism of rural places, rather than their reality. Accordingly, more reliable research-based information about the social and economic organization of rural areas, their role in national society, polity and economy, and their relative share of a nation’s population and economic activity will provide a stronger bas is for public policy. Bringing beliefs about rural areas into closer connection with empirical reality will improve the fit between rural problems and opportunities, public priorities, and the targeting of public investments. HOW CAN THE NATURE OF POSTINDUSTRIAL RURALITY BE DETERMINED? The Conventional Approach: Rural-urban classification in most national statistical systems typically involves two mutually exclusive categories. In most highly developed societies, (North America, Western Europe, Oceania, and Japan) the rural-urban delineation is based solely on population size and/or density (United Nations, 1999). It is not that government statisticians don’t understand that rurality is a variable not a discrete dichotomy, that the rural-urban distinction is somewhat arbitrary regardless of the population size or density threshold chosen, or that neither the rural nor the urban category is homogeneous. However, given their responsibilities for monitoring basic aspects of social organization and social change, and for providing data tabulations to the public, to businesses, and to other government agencies, the elemental need is to develop a geographic schema that makes intuitive sense, and where between category variability exceeds internal differentiation. It has not been realistic to expect statistical agencies to adopt a complex multidimensional delineation of rurality given the realities and politics of statistical practice in which budget constraints, and competition between stake holder groups determine which items are included on censuses and other large scale public surveys, and which variables are routinely included in tabulations and data products. However, the development of GIS techniques, and new advances in small area data collection and availability suggest that more flexibility and variability in geo-coding may be possible in the future. Hence, while we do not necessarily expect statistical agencies to adopt our multidimensional approach, we believe that it raises important questions about conventional methodologies for assessing the level and pace of urbanization in highly developed nations. 4 OMB’s New Core Based System: A Step In The Right Direction: The public availability of summary tape files from censuses and other nationwide surveys, provides significant opportunities for inquiry by university-based and government scientists into the extent and nature of rurality in postindustrial societies. In effect, analysts can design their own residential categorization schemes to examine various aspects of settlement structure and change. And, innovative research experimenting with alternative categorization systems can eventually contribute to changes in official statistical practice. For example, 25 years of research by social scientists in the USDA’s Economic Research Service (ERS) and in academia is ar guably responsible for persuading the U. S. Office of Management and Budget (OMB) that an undifferentiated nonmetropolitan category is not defensible (Duncan and Reiss, 1956; Butler and Beale, 1994). As early as 1975, ERS was recommending that the nonmetropolitan category be disaggregated according to the degree of urbanization. In a major publication released in that year, Hines, Brown and Zimmer showed that more populous nonmetropolitan counties, especially those adjacent to metropolitan areas, were more similar to metropolitan areas than to their nonmetropolitan counterparts. OMB has now modified its official geo-coding scheme to recognize diversity within nonmetropolitan America. OMB has instituted a â€Å"core based statistical area classification system† that recognizes that both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan territory can be integrated with a population center. The new CBSA classification system establishes a micropolitan category as a means of distinguishing between nonmetropolitan areas that are integrated with centers of 10,000 to 49,999 population, and nonmetropolitan territory that is not integrated with any particular population center of 10,000 or more inhabitants (OMB, 2000). 2 Metropolitan counties contain 79 percent of the U. S. opulation and 21 percent of its land area in the new classification scheme while the 1 In the United States and some other postindustrial countries, two residential categorizations are used: urban vs. rural and metropolitan vs. nonmetropolitan. Some writers use these concepts interchangeably, but even though their respective shares of the nation’s total population have tracked quite closely during recent decades, they are different concepts. What is similar between them, however, is that rural and nonmetropolitan are both residuals that are left over once urban settlement is accounted for. Hence, the rural population includes all residents of places of less than 2,500 and persons who live outside of urbanized areas while the nonmetropolitan population includes all persons who live outside of metropolitan counties (counties containing or integrated with a place of 50,000 persons). 2 Social scientists have also objected to the use of counties as building blocks for the nation’s metropolitan geography, but the new OMB standards have retained counties in the new classification system (Morrill, Cromartie and Hart, 1999). 5 ercentages are exactly reversed for nonmetropolitan territory. The nonmetropolitan population is almost evenly split between micropolitan and noncore based areas, although the former category contains 582 counties while the latter has 1668. The data in tables 1-3 show substantial diversity between micropolitan and noncore based areas, and demonstrate the importance of distinguishing between these two types of counties. To begin with, the average mi cropolitan county has 45,875 persons compared with only 15,634 persons in the average noncore based area. The data in Table 1 also show that micropolitan counties have 43 persons per square mile while only 12 persons live on each square mile of noncore based territory. [Table 1 here] Table 2 compares social and economic characteristics of persons living in various types of U. S. counties. In each instance these data show regular patterns of decline as one moves from the largest metropolitan counties to noncore based counties. For example, almost half of all metropolitan persons have attended college compared about one third of nonmetropolitan residents, but only 31 percent of noncore based adults have been to college compared with 37 percent of persons living in micropolitan counties. Metropolitan workers are more dependent on jobs in service industries while their nonmetropolitan counterparts depend more heavily on farming and manufacturing, although these differences are not strikingly large. Within the nonmetropolitan category, however, dependence on farming is over twice as high in noncore based counties compared with micropolitan areas, and small but consistently smaller percentages of noncore based employees work in manufacturing, retail and services jobs. Similarly, professional, technical managerial and administrative occupations comprise a much larger share of metropolitan than nonmetropolitan jobs, and a larger share in micropolitan than in noncore based counties. Data on earnings per job (displayed in the bottom panel of Table 2) show that noncore based workers earn less than their micropolitan counterparts in all industrial categories, and their earnings are consistently the lowest of any county type in the U. S. [Table 2 here] We have also examined whether micropolitan areas are more â€Å"metropolitan† than noncore based counties with respect to the presence of various services and facilities typically associated with metropolitan status (Beale, 1984). We conducted a mail survey 6 f the heads of county government in a 10 percent random sample of noncore based areas, and in 20 percent of micropolitan and small metropolitan areas. We have only received about 40 percent of the questionnaires from the county executives at this time, so the data in Table 3 are provisional. 3 However, these preliminary results reveal that central counties of small metropolitan areas are clearly differentiated from both nonmetropolitan categories. In all t welve instances the presence of these â€Å"metropolitan functions† is most prevalent in small metropolitan counties, and least available in noncore based areas. Micropolitan areas, however, appear to be more similar to small metropolitan areas than to noncore based counties. Hence, OMB’s new system seems to be a step in the right direction from the undifferentiated nonmetropolitan residential. It does a good job of distinguishing between metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas, and between micropolitan and noncore based areas outside of the metropolitan category. [Table 3 here] While we applaud the OMB’s new classification system as a step toward recognizing rural diversity, we believe that it is just that, one step. We recommend that social science research further examine the multidimensional nature of rurality in order to enhance understanding of the extent of urban and rural settlement and urbanization in postindustrial societies, and to guide future modifications of official statistical geography. A MULTIDIMENSIONAL APPROACH TO CONCEPTUALIZING RURALITY IN POSTINDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES As mentioned earlier, our multidimensional approach elaborates and extends earlier work by Paul Cloke (1977; 1986). The basic notion is that while urban and rural have intrinsic meaning, both concepts derive much of their analytical power when compared with the other. Low population density, for example, has important meaning in and of itself, but its meaning is further clarified when low rural density is compared with the high ratio of persons to space found in urban regions. 4 Cloke’s objective was to develop a 3 We are now involved in the refusal conversion process and hope to obtain at least a 60 percent response rate. Moreover, attitudes about urban and rural areas are formed on the basis of the attributes people believe characterize such areas, but these attitudes also reflect people’s opinions of how rural and urban areas differ 4 7 quantitative statement of rurality that could be used as a basis for comparative studies among rural areas, and between them and urban areas. He used principal components analysis to identify nine variables associated with rural-urban location. Principal components loading scores were then used as weighting criteria to form an index of rurality. The resulting scores were arrayed in quartiles ranging from extreme rural to extreme non-rural, and each of England’s and Wales’ administrative districts was assigned to one of these four categories. In 1986, Cloke replicated his 1971 index. His second study showed that while most districts were classified in the same rural-urban category in both 1971 and 1981, some districts changed categories over the decade, and the nature of rurality itself was marginally transformed over time. He found that the variables differentiating rural from urban areas in 1981 were somewhat different than those used in the initial analysis. In particular, population decline and net out migration were important rural attributes in 1971, during a period of population concentration, but not in the 1981 analysis after the relative rates of rural-urban population change and net migration had reversed in favor of the periphery. The 1981 revision included 8 variables. Positive variable loadings on five of the eight factors indicated that they corresponded to urban characteristics (high level of housing occupancy, high percentage of workers outcommuting, high percentage of women in childbearing ages, high level of household amenities, and high population density) while negative loadings on the remaining three variables corresponded to rural characteristics (high involvement in extractive industries, disproportionate number of older persons, and distance from an urban area of 50,000 population). It is important to point out at this juncture that neither Cloke nor we are geographic determinists, e. g. , we do not contend that the type of environment people live in has an independent causal effect on their attitudes and behavior. On the other hand, we believe that spatial locality is more than simply a setting in which social and economic relationships occur. Our position is that a person’s place of residence in a nation’s settlement system can shape social and economic outcomes, and can have a profound impact on life chances (Brown and Lee, 1999). While a growing number of social from each other. Accordingly, the public’s overall positive attitude toward rural people and areas is a combination of â€Å"pro-rural† and â€Å"anti-urban† attitudes. 8 scientists agree that space should be incorporated into social theory and research, there is little agreement on the manner in which space enters into social behavior. The debate hinges on the question of whether spatial arrangements are an elemental cause of social behavior, or whether space acts in a more contingent manner. Our position is consistent with the latter view; that space has an important but contingent causative role in social relations. Hence, we see value in distinguishing rural from urban areas because we contend that rural-urban variations in socioeconomic status, for example, can only be understood by taking into account how contingent characteristics of rural and urban places modify the access to opportunities. In other words, we are saying that local social structure contextualizes social and economic behavior. We do not question the existence of fundamental social relationships, but we observe that these relationships are modified by spatial variability in social and economic contexts. Linking back to the status attainment example, education is positively related to income in all locations, but the strength of this relationship varies across local labor markets depending on their industrial and occupational structures. Education matters everywhere, but returns to education are higher in some spatial contexts than in others depending on the availability of well paying jobs and on the nature of the stratification system (Duncan, 1999). Dimensions of Rurality in the United States at the Turn of the Century: Cloke’s approach to defining rurality was largely inductive. His choice of variables was not shaped by a clearly defined theoretical framework for distinguishing rural from urban, although they were suggested by the literature as being important aspects of the sociospatial environment. Neither do we claim that our approach emanates from a wellcrafted theory of rurality, but we do start with a clear premise about four distinct dimensions that comprise rural environments in postindustrial societies. We then choose indicators for each domain that have been shown in the research literature to vary across rural-urban space. The concept of rurality we are proposing involves ecological, economic, institutional, and sociocultural dimensions. In this section of the paper we discuss each of these four dimensions in turn, and propose a set of indicators that could be used to empirically develop a composite measure of rurality. We follow Willits and Bealer (1967) in observing that a composite definition of rurality involves both the attributes of rural areas themselves, and the attributes of persons residing in such areas. Figure 1 shows 9 the four dimensions of rurality, indicators of each dimension, and the contrasting rural vs. rban situation for each indicator. Our approach indicates the attributes that define rurality, and it does so in a comparative framework vis a vis urbanity. [Figure 1 here] The Ecological Dimension: Population size, population density, spatial situation within a settlement system and natural resource endowments are included in this dimension. As indicated earlier, conventional statis tical practice typically emphasizes this approach. Urban vs. rural delineations are usually defined by a size and/or a density threshold, while metropolitan vs. onmetropolitan delineations use size and density criteria to identify central cities and measures of geographic access such as physical distance or commuting to signify the interdependence of peripheral areas. Hope Tisdale’s (1942) influential article provides one of the clearest theoretical statements for the size/density delineation, while central place theory is the primary theoretical basis for considering geographic location vis-a-vis other places in a settlement system (Berry, 1967). The ecological dimension also includes a consideration of the natural environment. As shown in Table 1, 79 percent of land in the United States is found outside of officially recognized metropolitan areas, and 61 percent is located in noncore based areas. While this tells volumes about density, it also indicates that most of America’s natural resources are located in its rural territory. Energy, minerals, land for agricultural production, water, and habitat for wild life are all found disproportionately in the rural sector, and this is an important aspect of the nation’s rurality during the postindustrial era. The Economic Dimension: This dimension concerns the organization of economic activity in local economies. It focuses on what people do for a living, the size and composition of local economies, and the linkages between local economic activities and national and global capital. Until the mid 20th century, rural and agriculture while not synonymous were very closely related, and definitions of rural were heavily influenced by measures of dependence on agriculture and other extractive industries. Rural economies were small and undifferentiated both in terms of establishments and workers, and localities had a relatively high degree of economic autonomy. 10 Many people continue to view rural areas through this archaic lens, even though local economies have been fundamentally restructured during the past 50 years. Direct dependence on agriculture, forestry, mining and fisheries has declined to less than one in ten nonmetropolitan workers although extractive industries continue to dominate economic activity in particular regions of the U. S. (Cook and Mizer, 1994). There is no denying that economic activities in rural and urban America have become much more similar since World War II. Not only has dependence on extractive industries declined throughout the country, but so has dependence on manufacturing, and most economic growth is now accounted for by services. However, the jobs available in rural labor markets continue to be significantly different than urban jobs. Rural manufacturing is more likely to be nondurable than urban manufacturing, and well paying producer services jobs are seldom available in rural economies. Moreover, research shows that full time rural workers earn less than urban workers regardless of their industry of employment, and that rural employment is significantly more likely to be part time and/or seasonal (Gale and McGranahan, 2001). While these rural-urban differences in employment do not adhere to the traditional farm-nonfarm contours, they show that opportunities available in rural labor markets are clearly inferior to those available in urban America, and that rural and urban areas can be differentiated with respect to how people make a living. Rural economies have traditionally been smaller than urban economies in terms of number of workers, the number and size of establishments, and the gross value of products or services sold. Of the three indicators of rural economic activity, this one has changed the least over time even though the decentralization of urban based branch plants has brought some large employers to particular rural areas. Moreover, rural economies have been much more dependent on one or a few types of economic activity than urban economies, and this too remains an important rural-urban difference. The â€Å"protection of distance† enjoyed (or suffered) by rural economies has clearly diminished in recent decades. Technological changes including all weather roads, the interstate highway system, virtually universal telephone service (now including cell phones), and the internet have greatly reduced rural isolation. This is not to deny that some important inequalities in transportation and communication infrastructure persist 11 between rural and urban areas, but for the most part the effect of physical distance has been substantially leveled by technological advances. Institutional changes, especially the increased mobility of capital, have further diminished rural economic independence. The deregulation of banking means that capital now flows easily to and from metro bank centers and the rural periphery. This has both positive and negative implications for particular rural communities, but the clear result is that rural economies are increasingly integrated within national and global structures. With this change comes a resulting decline of local autonomy and increased dependence on extra-local firms and organizations. This makes rural areas at the same time more attractive sites for certain types of external investment, and more likely to lose traditional employers because of financial decisions made elsewhere. There is little room for sentiment in the globalized economy, including sentiment for rural communities as valued â€Å"home places. † When the bottom line demands it, capital flows across national borders to production sites with low costs and few regulations, locating and relocating according to the demands of the market. The Institutional Dimension: Communities are institutionalized solutions to the problems of everyday life. Accordingly, some social scientists view communities as configurations of institutional spheres including education, religion, governance, the economy, etc. (Rubin, 1969). While we do not necessarily subscribe to this functionalist view of community organization, there is no denying that institutions are a critical aspect of local social structure, and that human beings would have little use for communities if they did not serve recurring needs. Both urban and rural areas have formal institutional sectors. Most places have some form of politics and local governance, organized religion, education, and voluntary and service organizations. Moreover, as discussed in the preceding section, sustenance and economic activity are important aspects of locality. Rural and urban areas are not so much differentiated by the presence or absence of particular types of institutions as by their diversity and capacity. For example, schools, newspapers and churches, are widespread, but most rural communities offer a narrower range of choices as to where one’s children may be educated, where to worship, and/or the media from which one obtains local news. School consolidation in rural America has resulted in fewer and larger schools. Students are often bussed long distances to school. 12 Similarly, while churches are present in most rural communities, the range of denominations and congregations is narrow. Clubs, service organizations, and voluntary associations are also an important part of rural community life, but the choice of organizations to join is constrained in comparison to the organizational choices available in urban environments. Rural institutions also tend to have more limited capacity than their urban counterparts. Rural governments, for example, are often constrained by part time leadership, insufficient fiscal resources, ineffective organizational structures, limited access to technical information and expertise, and limited ability to assess changing community needs (Kraybill and Lobao, 2001; Cigler, 1993). The Sociocultural Dimension: Moral traditionalism is one of the most consistent themes subsumed under the term â€Å"rural culture† (Willits and Bealer, 1967). Rural persons are often considered to be more conservative than their urban counterparts, and data from national surveys indicate this to be true in the United States. Calvin Beale (1995) has shown that 49 percent of rural respondents to a 1993 National Opinion Research Center (NORC) national survey regard themselves as religious fundamentalists compared with 33 percent of urban respondents. Similarly, a much lower percentage of rural respondents believe that abortion should be available for any reason (26 percent vs. 44 percent), and a much higher percentage of rural persons believe that homosexuality is immoral (84 percent vs. 2 percent). Beale also observed that rural voters have been more likely to support conservative candidates in recent elections even though rural persons are slightly more likely than urban persons to describe themselves as democrats. A related idea is that rural conservatism is often associated with the homogeneity of the rural population. Wirth (1938) and ot hers argued that increased population diversity was one of the dominant effects of urbanization, and one of the reasons why informal social control was likely to break down in cities. Ironically, Fisher (1975) and other critics of Wirth, argued that ethnic diversity rather than contributing to a weakening of the social order was a main reason why the strength of social relations did not diminish in cities, and why community was not â€Å"eclipsed† in urban environments. While the association between ethnic and other aspects of population diversity and social and political attitudes is still an open question, research clearly indicates that rural populations in the U. S. , while 13 increasingly diverse, remain significantly more homogeneous than urban populations (Fuguitt, et al. 1989). In addition, the rural population’s racial and ethnic diversity is not spread evenly across the landscape, but tends to concentrate in particular regions and locales (Cromartie, 1999). Hence, even though about one out of ten rural Americans is African American, few rural communities are 10 percent Black. Rather, Blacks tend either to comprise the majority or large mino rity of a rural population or an insignificant percentage. The same tends to be true with respect to other racial and/or ethnic populations. Much has been written to suggest that primary social interaction is more prevalent and more intense in rural areas, and that rural areas have a higher level of informal social control than is true in urban areas. However, these contentions, if ever true, are not supported by contemporary empirical evidence. Copious research has shown that urban persons are involved in regular and intense interaction with family, friends and neighbors, and that community has not been eclipsed in urban America (Hummon, 1990; Fischer, 1975). Moreover, research by Sampson (1999), and others has shown that social networks are quite effective in regulating social behavior in urban locales. Accordingly, primary social interaction and effective social control do not differentiate rural and urban areas in contemporary American society, and are not components of the sociocultural dimension of rurality. CONCLUSIONS How urbanized are postindustrial societies? How rapidly is the remaining rural population being incorporated within the urban category? How do rural people and rural areas contribute to and/or detract from the social and economic well being of highly developed nations? We contend that answering these questions accurately is contingent on the availability of theoretically informed definitions of rural and urban areas. Virtually every developed nation uses population size and density as the basis for its differentiation of urban and rural areas. Areas obtain urban status by reaching some threshold of population size and/or density, and commuting or some similar measure of routine social and/or economic interaction is used to determine whether peripheral areas are integrated with, and hence part of large/dense urban agglomerations. Rural areas are simply the residual—areas that fail to satisfy the urban threshold or lack routine interaction with core 14 areas. We join with many previous scholars in arguing that this approach is blind to the complex multidimensional nature of postindustrial rurality. We believe that the residual approach is inadequate for differentiating rural from urban populations, and for examining social, economic, political, ecological and other forms of diversity within the rural category itself. We have recommended a multidimensional framework for considering the nature of rurality in postindustrial society. Our approach includes conventional demographic measures, and adds information on the natural environment, economic structures and activities, the diversity and capacity of institutions, and a sociocultural domain. Our case is the United States but we believe that the situation we describe in the U. S. is similar to that in most other postindustrial societies. Our paper rejects the notion that rurality is simply a residual that is leftover once urban areas have been identified. The rural as residual approach clearly identifies the extremes or urbanity and rurality (Paris, France vs. Paris, Texas, for example), but it offers no guidance for examining settlements that fall in the intermediate zone between these extremes. We believe that the multidimensional approach to conceptualizing rurality is helpful not only for distinguishing urban from rural but also for understanding the variability of social and economic organization that occurs within both categories. As we have shown, the OMB’s new core-based statistical areas systems is a step toward recognizing important aspects of rural diversity and of focusing attention on the zone between what is clearly urban and clearly rural. We acknowledge that there is a venerable tradition in social science of examining the correlates of city size (Duncan, 1951; Duncan and Reiss, 1956), and that it is possible that rural-urban variability in ecological, economic, institutional and sociocultural attributes may simply be a reflection of inter area differences in population size. If this is the case then the conventional practice of using population size to define urbanity may be sufficient for delineating urban from rural. In contrast, if the other dimensions of social and economic activity are only weakly associated with population size then conventional statistical practice may be producing misleading information regarding urbanization and the conditions of life in rural and urban communities. This important question merits continued examination in future research. 15 Changes in a nation’s urban-rural balance have significance that extends beyond purely academic curiosity. Understanding how variability in spatial context affects opportunity structures and the quality of life contributes to producing flexible public programs that are sensitive to local needs. Misinformation about the social, economic and institutional organization of rural and/or urban areas, and about the size and composition of a nation’s population living and working in rural and urban places will result in misinformed policies. For example, if policy makers believe that most rural persons are farmers, agricultural policies will be seen as a reasonable response to rural poverty and income insecurity. But, of course, agricultural policies will not have much of an effect on rural poverty because most rural persons in postindustrial societies do not depend on farming for their livelihoods (Gibbs, 2001). Or, if research indicates that the size of a nation’s rural population has held constant over time, as is the case in the United States where about 55-60 million persons has been classified as rural since 1950, then significant public investments for rural development will be legitimized (at least from an equity perspective). But, if the measurement of rurality is too permissive, and the population that is genuinely rural has actually declined, then public resources may be targeted to the wrong populations. We realize that the multidimensional perspective we are promoting could not be easily or cheaply built into a national statistical system. But, regardless of its practicality our framework raises important questions about the sufficiency of the size/density conventions used throughout the developed world, and consequently about the state of knowledge on urbanization in postindustrial societies. Moreover, our contention that rurality should not be treated as an undifferentiated residual complements the social representational approach in which rurality is defined by how people imagine community life in everyday discourse. Both approaches focus attention on the complexity of contemporary rural life and its continuing distinctiveness in comparison with urban areas. 16 REFERENCES Beale, C. 1995. â€Å"Non Economic Value of Rural America. † Paper presented at the USDA experts’ conference on the value of rural America. † Washington, DC: USDA-ERS. ______. 1984. â€Å"Poughkeepsie’s Complaint or Defining Metropolitan Areas. † American Demographics 6(1): 28-31; 46-48. Berry, B. 1967. Geography of Market Centers and Retail Distribution. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Brown, D and M. Lee. 1999. Persisting Inequality Between Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan America: Implications for Theory and Policy. † Pp. 151-167 in P. Moen, D. Demster-McClain and H. Walker (eds. ) Diversity, Inequality, and Community in American Society. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ______. G. Fuguitt, T. Heaton, and S. Waseem. 1997. â€Å"Continuities in Size of Place Preferences in the Uni ted States, 1972-1992. † Rural Sociology 62(4) : 408-428. Butler, M. and C. Beale. 1994. â€Å"Rural-Urban Continuum Codes for Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Counties, 1993. † Staff Report No. 9425. Washington, DC: USDA-ERS. Cigler, B. 993. â€Å"Meeting the Growing Challenges of Rural Local Government. † Rural Development Perspectives 9(1): 35-39. Cloke, P. and G. Edwards. 1986. â€Å"Rurality in England and Wales, 1981: A Replication of the 1971 Index. † Regional Studies 20: 289-306. _____. 1977. â€Å"An Index of Rurality for England and Wales. † Regional Studies 11: 31-46. Cook, P. and K. Mizer. 1994. â€Å"The Revised ERS County Typology. † Rural Development Research Report No. 84. Washington, DC: USDA-ERS. Cromartie, J. 1999. â€Å"Rural Minorities Are Geographically Clustered. † Rural Conditions and Trends 9(2): 14-19. Duncan, C. 1999. Worlds Apart: Why Poverty Persists in Rural America. † New Haven: Yale University Press. Duncan, O and A. Reiss. 1956. Social Characteristics of Urban and Rural Communities. New York: John Wiley and Sons. Duncan, O. 1951. â€Å"Optimum Size of Cities. † Pp. 632-645 in P. Hatt and A. Reiss (eds. ) Reader in Urban Sociology. New York: Free Press. 17 Durkehim, E. 1951. Suicide. New York: Free Press. Fischer, C. 1975. â€Å"Toward a Subcultural Theory of Urbanism. † American Journal of Sociology 80: 1319-1342. Fuguitt, G. , D. Brown, and C. Beale. 1989. Rural and Small Town America. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Gale, F. nd D. McGranahan. 2001. â€Å"Nonmetro Areas Fall Behind in the New Economy. † Rural America 16(1): 44-51. Gibbs, R. 2001. â€Å"Nonmetro Labor Markets in an Era of Welfare Reform. † Rural America 16(3): 11-21. Giddens, A. The Constitution of Society. Cambridge: Polity Press. Halfacree, K. 1993. â€Å"Locality and Social Representa tion: Space, Discourse, and Alternative Definitions of the Rural. † Journal of Rural Studies 9(1): 23-37. Hauser, P. 1965. â€Å"Urbanization: An Overview. † Pp. 1-47 in P. Hauser and L. Schnore (eds. ) The Study of Urbanization. New York: John Wiley and Sons. Hines, F, D. Brown, and J. Zimmer. 1975. Social and Economic Characteristics of the Population in Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Counties, 1970. † Agricultural Economic Report No. 272. Washington, D. C. : USDA-ERS. Hummon, D. 1990. Common Places: Community Ideology and Identity in American Culture. Albany: SUNY Press. Kellogg Foundation. 2002. Perceptions of Rural America. Battle Creek, MI. : Kellogg Foundation. Kraybill, D. and L. Lobao. 2001. County Government Survey: Changes and Challenges in the New Millennium. Washington, DC: National Association of Counties. Lewis, M. 1991. â€Å"Elusive Societies: A Regional-Cartographical Approach to the Study of Human Relatedness. Annals of the Association of Ame rican Geographers 18(4): 605-626. Logan, J. 1996. ‘Rural America As A Symbol of American Values. † Rural Development Perspectives 12(1): 24-28. Marx, K. 1976. Capital, Vol. I. London: Penguin NLR. Morrill, R, J. Cromartie, and G. Hart. 1999. â€Å"Metropolitan, Urban, and Rural Commuting Areas: Toward a Better Depiction of the united States Settlement System. † Urban Geography 20(8): 727-748. 18 Moscovici, S. 1981. â€Å"On Social Representation. † Pp. 181-209 in J. Forgas (ed. ), Social Cognition: Perspectives on Everyday Understanding. London: Academic Press. RUPRI. 1995. 1995 National RUPRI Poll: Differential Attitudes of Rural and Urban America. † Columbia, Missouri: Rural Policy Research Institute. Rubin, J. 1969. â€Å"Function and Structure of Community: A Conceptual and Theoretical Analysis. † International Review of Community Development 21-22: 111-119. Sampson, R. , J. Morenoff, and F. Earls. 1999. â€Å"Beyond Social Capital: Spatia l Dynamics of Collective Efficacy for Children. † American Journal of Sociology 92(1): 27-63. Tisdale, H. 1942. â€Å"The Process of Urbanization. † Social Forces 20: 311-316. United Nations. 1999. World Urbanization Prospects: 1999 Revision. New York: United Nations. U. S. Office of Management and Budget. 2000. â€Å"Standards for Defining Metropolitan and Micropolitan Statistical Areas. † Federal Register 65(249): 82228-82238. (http://www. whitehouse. gov/omb/fedreg/metroareas122700. pdf. ) Weber, M. 1968. Economy and Society. New York: Bedminister. Willits, F. , R. Bealer, and V. Timbers. 1990. â€Å"Popular Images of Rurality: Data From a Pennsylvania Survey. † Rural Sociology 55(4): 559-578. ______. 1967. â€Å"An Evaluation of a Composite Index of Rurality. † Rural Sociology 32(2): 165-177. Wirth, L. 1938. â€Å"Urbanization As a Way of Life. American Journal of Sociology 44(1): 129. 19 Figure 1: A Multidimensional Framework of Rurality in Postindustrial Society Indicators Rural Areas or Populations Urban Areas or Populations Are More Likely to Be: Are More Likely to Be: Dimensions of Rurality Ecological Dimension Population Size Population Density Situation in Settlement System Natural Environ ment Economic Dimension Dependence on Industrial Activities Size of Local Economy Diversity of Economic Activity Autonomy of Local Economy Institutional Dimension Local Choice Public Sector Capacity Sociocultural Dimension Beliefs/Values Population Diversity Small Low/Scattered Peripheral Rich in Natural Resources Large High/Concentrated Central Lacking Natural Resources Extractive Nondurable Manufacturing Consumer Services Small Workforce Small Establishments Undiversified Low/Dependent Producer Services Professional Services Durable Manufacturing Large Workforce Large Establishments Diversified High Narrow/Constrained Limited/Modest Wide High Conservative Homogeneous Progressive Heterogeneous 20 Table 1: Population, Land Area, Density and Percent Rural by CBSA Category, 19901 CBSA Category U. S. Metro Large Small Nonmetro Micro Non-CBSA 1 No. Counties 3,141 891 606 285 2,250 582 1,668 Population 1,000s Percent 248,709 195,930 171,606 24,323 52,780 26,699 26,081 100 79 69 10 21 11 10 Land Area (square miles) 1,000s Percent 3,536 737 488 249 2,799 625 2,174 100 21 14 7 79 18 61 Population Per Sq. Mile 70 266 351 98 19 43 12 See OMB (2000) for discussion of procedures used to delineate CBSA county types. Source: 1990 U. S. Census of Population 21 Table 2: Comparative Profile of Metro, Micro and Noncore Based Counties, U. S. , 19901 Metropolitan Large Small Nonmetropolitan Micro Noncore Characteristic Educational Attainment Pct. Less Than High School Pct. High School Pct. College Total Total 23 29 48 23 28 49 25 32 43 31 35 34 29 34 37 34 36 31 Industry of Employment (selected) Pct. Farm Pct. Manufacture Pct. Retail Pct. Services 1 13 16 29 1 13 16 30 3 15 18 25 8 18 16 21 5 18 17 22 11 17 15 19 Occupation of Employment (selected) Pct. Manager, Professional Pct. Tech. , Sales, Admin. Pct. Labor2 Earnings Per Job3 All Jobs (000) Manufacture (000) Retail (000) Services (000) 1 2 28 33 24 29 34 24 24 30 28 20 26 34 21 27 33 18 24 36 27 36 15 24 27 37 15 25 0 27 12 16 20 25 12 15 20 27 12 16 18 23 11 14 See OMB (2000) for rules used to identify county types. Skilled and unskilled 3 Nonfarm jobs Source: 1990 U. S. Census of Population 22 Table 3: Presence of Services and Facilities by County Type, 20001 Percent Provided in County Micro 29 71 62 58 91 89 41 64 38 100 45 Service or Facility Scheduled Passenger Air Service Scheduled Inter County Bus Service Local Bus Servic e Museum2 Daily Newspaper National or Regional Hotel Franchise Four Year College Library with Multiple Branches Commercial Television Station3 General Hospital4 N 1 Small Metro 50 91 95 77 95 100 82 64 68 100 22 Noncore Based 11 31 29 23 18 44 11 34 9 74 71 Ten percent sample of noncore based counties; 20% samples of small metro and micro counties. Current response rate = small metro: 41%; micro: 75%; noncore: 42%. Art, science or natural history with focus beyond local county. With local news and advertising. With at least two of four of the following services: emergency room, physical therapy, cardiac care or MRI. 2 3 4 23

Ethics behind Credit Rating Agencies business and the role of Assignment

Ethics behind Credit Rating Agencies business and the role of regulator issues - Assignment Example The credit rating agencies plays an important role in assessing the credit worthiness of the company. Creditworthiness is considered as a parameter in evaluating the willingness and the capacity of the debtor to repay the debt. There are various credit rating agencies in the world. Among the various credit agencies, the three most popular and well known credit rating agencies are Standard and Poor, Fitch group and Moody’s. Each credit rating agencies has its own rating scale for ranking and rating the companies across the world (Bahena, 2010). The Credit rating agencies played an important role in influencing and facilitating the investors to invest in the international securities. The credit rating agencies have devoted themselves in designing the structure of the agencies. The Credit rating agencies were assigned with responsibilities during the period of financial crisis prevailing in the economy. But it has been observed that the agencies were unregulated before the financial crisis. After the financial crisis the government has imposed restriction and emphasized on maintaining transparency in its rating procedures for the growth and development of the agencies. The credit rating agencies faced criticism during the period of financial crisis, since it failed to publish verifiable and valid data about the rating performance of the companies. The criticisms encountered by the rating agencies were mainly due to the following reasons such as the underestimation of the correlation due to the default during the economic downturn, the lack of sufficient data, overreliance on the statistical and mathematical methodologies by the credit rating agencies has resulted in furnishing of inadequate data and the disregard of various conflicting interest. The credit rating agencies receives revenue from the issuers of the companies. Suppose a company is rated high by one credit rating agency as compared to other credit agency then the company will prefer to rate

Does bullying during childhood affect the person's future behavior as Essay

Does bullying during childhood affect the person's future behavior as an adult - Essay Example The perpetrators of bullying also suffer from negative effects, and they have been demonstrated to be having an increased risk of mental health disorders. These may be attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, depression, oppositional defiant disorder, and various conduct disorders. It has been stated that effects of bullying carries into the adulthood in some form of other. One such example is that the childhood bullies are often severely punitive with their children, and these children may subsequently show higher predilection for being more aggressive to peers (Sourander et al, 2007, 397-404). There is considerable body of literature on this topic, and several facts have been known that can be used to design proper interventions into this social problem of considerable magnitude. Consequently, a literature review would be worthwhile, which could present the existing body of knowledge in this area, through which gaps in knowledge could be identified to direct further research. An exhaustive literature review was undertaken with the key words, "bullying", "childhood bullying", "school bullying", "effects", "future behavior", "adulthood", and "adult behaviors." A combination of these key concepts was used to narrow down the search, so the articles published in the last 10 years on "effects on childhood bullying on adult behavior" could be located. Four such most recent articles were selected to conduct a careful literature review, the findings from which have been presented below. Literature Review Sourander et al. (2007) in their study explored the predictive association between bullying and victimization at the age of 8 and development of psychiatric disorders in early adulthood. In support of their hypothesis, the authors present findings from literature that this is a significantly prevalent problem in American schools. It has been already known that bullying and victimization are associated with poorer family functioning, interparental violence, and parental maltreatment. There is a difference between the bully and the victims in that bullies are aggressive, hostile, and domineering; they are hyperactive, and they demonstrate little anxiety and insecurity. On the contrary, the victims are depressed, withdrawn, anxious, and insecure. They score higher on the psychosomatic scales. They demonstrate lower self-esteem, and they tend to be more cautious, sensitive, and quieter. The authors present findings from other studies that the bully victims tend to be more troubled in ter ms of future outcomes. Once bullied, they demonstrate high levels of verbal and physical aggression. Their externalizing and hyperactive behaviour are higher, but at the same time their depressivity, self-worth, academic competence, and social acceptance are lower. This study attempts to fill the gap that exists in prospective bullying. The authors report a Finnish study, where observations suggest that being bullied at childhood has future consequences. Bullying at age strongly predict criminality at adolescence. Such a study would be necessary since information about long-term effects of bullying in the childhood into the future adult life will have public health implications, and knowledge about these may lead to

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Strategy Adopted by an Organization Is a Consequence of the Match between the Organizations External Relationships and its Internal Capabilities - Essay Example The researcher states that a mismatch between the internal capability of an organization and its strategies may to some extent contribute to less than optimal output and input ration in an organization. The accessible research findings have confirmed the existence of a very close relationship between an organization’s internal capabilities, the organization’s strategies, and the organization’s external relationships. In most cases, organizations that have the ability to balance between their internal capabilities and their strategies have competitive advantages over institutions that formulate their policies without considering their internal strengths and weaknesses. As a result, the analysis of the company’s internal liabilities, resources, weaknesses, and strengths are essential in the strategy formulation process. Sufficient examination of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats facing the business is as exceptionally decisive in devising the organization’s strategy. The objective of a strategy should be based on the company’s weaknesses and strengths. In planning for the organization strategy, the strategists should also consider the institution’s entrepreneurial problems and administrative problems. In most cases, strategies and organization’s internal capabilities reinforce each other in the success of an organization. A successful organization selects management systems that are in line with its strategies. Moreover, entities with several adjustment levels employ different strategies to match with their internal capabilities. As a result, business entities that have high-level of adjustments reveal organic structures and prospectors plan while business entities with low-level adjustment use mechanistic structures and defender strategies. In most cases, organizations strategists identify a unique approach to its marketplace before structuring an organization strategy that fits the identifi ed market approach.

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Response 5 on india - Article Example On the other hand, the United States maintains she is innocent, but release after India began showing mistreatment to the workers at the United States Embassy. Basically, the article focuses on the manner through, which diplomatic relationship can be jeopardized by incidences of crime among the concerned stakeholders. In the article, an Indian Diplomat has committed an offense and is subject to arrest according to the Laws of the United States. However, in Indian, the matter is taken less serious and the Government believes that their citizen is innocent. This leads to a jeopardized relationship between the US and India as indicated by India taking awkward means to solve the challenges facing it i.e. through subjecting the workers at the US Embassy to Acts of Mistreatment. Barry, Ellen, and Benjamin Weiser. "As Indian Diplomat Exits After Arrest, a Culture Clash Lingers." The New York Times. The New York Times, 10 Jan. 2014. Web. 6 Apr. 2014.

Workplace industry Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Workplace industry - Essay Example It is evident that every organization has unique policies and strategies all synchronized towards achieving the goals of that particular organization. With diverse culture and management styles in today’s workplace, the employees, especially the women become more vulnerable to unfavourable policies, management, office culture, and labour (Blackard, 2000). This has especially affected women in occupations considered to be the domain of their male counterparts like the mining industry. This essay discusses the role of management in the work place, resistance and coping, and how these knowledge enables one to understand the challenges of ‘women in mining’ with reference to individual employees, frontline manages, and the unions. The role of management in the work place In most industrial relations, the role management plays is very important especially where the organization structure is broad and complex to the extent of containing numerous management lines. Blackar d (2000) relates the complexity to how the management of the organization may categorize the management structure. The manner in which a given organization reacts to any incidence of flexibilities is more often than not dependent on the effectiveness of the management structure and the efficiency with which all the staff at the managerial level deliver their services. Flexibility in the workplace is vital as the modern market environment is stormier than never before and this leads mangers to rethink their strategies like establishing the role played by women in the managerial positions (Blackard, 2000).   Most organizations use three approaches in managing the affairs of their company, be it a physical company or a company operating on a virtual platform like the internet. When the management uses the trust approach, it either allows or restricts the employees’ within their workplace to operate with or without supervision. This approach depicts that the level of supervisio n a manager accords an employee is dependent on their trustworthiness. Other approaches used by some management include collective versus individualising approach, and structured versus unstructured approach (Blackard, 2000).   Women in the mining industry encounter this challenge in their respective workplaces in that some of their fellow employees show some element of distrust towards them. This approach is really discouraging as the some front managers and the mining firms in general take advantage of this level of distrust to infuse strict supervision on the women employees. The collective versus individualising approach deals with the extent to which women miners can participate in the formation and implementation of their union’s agenda. Most mining firms deny women the right to have representations in the unions. The structured approach entails the explicit nature of company policies as appertains to matters affecting women miners. It is obvious that some mining firm s do not have policies that classify women specially and differently. This loophole enables other employees to discriminate against and assault women (Blackard, 2000).   Resistance and coping According to Gregory (2003), several mining firms are a hostile environment. This is especially so to the women in terms of the working conditions, the complicated company policies, and the strict disciplinary measures. The faint hearted do not have a place in the firms that require strong resistance and the ability to cope with these difficult conditions. Despite the many challenges that women miners face in these workplaces, most of them have developed a strong resistance and the ability to cope with harsh conditions in such harsh conditions. A classic example of this resistance shows up when

Organizational Responsibility and Ethics Paper Essay

Organizational Responsibility and Ethics Paper - Essay Example This could happen due to many reasons like, lack of vision, lack of cooperation among the different agencies involved in health care, or due to the lack of sincerity and honesty within such agencies. The health care system in the United States is no different in the sense that it is one with many paradoxes. The country is a leader in the development of medical research and has a national health care policy on which government spending is the highest in the world. But the health care system is considered to be quite inefficient because of fragmentation, lack of uniformity, and the existence of a large number of people who are not covered by health insurance. The system is also overburdened due to an ageing population and lack of qualified personnel. Any organization, whether it is formed for the purpose of social care or for profit has a responsibility towards the society and individuals in which it operates. This is true for a health care system also. This paper is an attempt to stud y the concept of organizational responsibility issues that exists within the health care system in the United States. In the process, it will look into issues like the ageing population of the country, the unhealthy habits of its citizens, absence of health insurance, increasing number of illegal immigrants and the ethical dilemmas that may exist in the overstretched health system. As mentioned earlier, the health care system in the country is full of paradoxes and contradictions. â€Å"At one extreme are those who argue that Americans have the â€Å"best health care system in the world†, pointing to the freely available medical technology and state-of-the-art facilities that have become so highly symbolic of the system.† (Chua, 2006, p.1). At the other extreme, the system is accused of massive lack of health insurance, fragmentation, difference in health policies of individual states, waste of resources,

Broadsheet and Tabloid Comparison Essay Example for Free

Broadsheet and Tabloid Comparison Essay The media is undoubtedly one of the most influential and powerful force within our society today. Its means of mass communication has the ability to report news in a way which often affects and distorts a persons opinion and interpretation of a certain story. Yet its importance in our society is immeasurable, since its the main way of informing the public of national and international events. The purpose of this essay is to examine and analyse how two contrasting newspapers a broadsheet and a tabloid report the news. We often view the broadsheet as having higher status than the tabloid as it is more serious, sophisticated and elaborate. The tabloid in contrast is dominated by sensational stories. I would be scrutinizing The Daily Mirror, a typical tabloid paper and The Independent which is the conventional broadsheet paper. The story in question which both newspapers are narrating concerns the fatal murder of Yetunde Price, sister of the famous tennis players Venus and Serena Williams. Different papers frequently vary the way news is portrayed in order to engage and captivate different audiences, yet their primary purpose is to inform and entertain. The Daily Mirror is likely to entice those who are less well educated and classified as Social class III, IV and V in the Registrar Generals Scale the working class. Therefore the stories that attract them are likely to concern violence, showbiz and sporting events, stories which are glamourised. This is shown by the way how Yetunde Prices death was highlighted by the fact that her sisters were distinguished tennis players and also the article was contextualised to feed the readers curiosity. The Independent is aimed at the more conservative, middle classes who are categorized as Social class I and II in the Registrar-Generals Scale. They are more likely to have had an extensive education and prefer upmarket newspapers. Yet it is much more complicated than this: both articles would have not existed if not for the prominent status of Yetundes sisters, and so The Independent has defied the stereotypes of a broadsheet by focusing more on her glamourous and famous sisters. It is often thought that the newspaper influences the reader, yet the readers themselves influence the way news is reported as the newspapers have to adapt their stories to the readers taste in order to attract their attention. The style of The Daily Mirror is one which is explicitly written, containing many gr aphic, vivid information on the deathly event, undoubtedly in order to sensationalise Yetundes untimely demise as well as reveal the great dissimilarity between her life and her sisters. The article begins by presenting Venus and Serenas wealth and prestige: they had the fame, the fear and the bodyguards, this use of triplets and alliteration not only emphasis their greatness but is also an attention grabbing introduction, inveigling the reader to read further. It then goes on to mention the sad story of their shy sister so that the reader may understand the significance of this story. The details then becomes more disturbing and horrific, describing plainly the fusillade of shoots, how Yetunde was lying in blood and hit in the chest. Such emotive descriptions may be sickening but the writers agenda in a tabloid newspaper is to focus on the blood and the gore in order to make it more realistic for the reader. The varied sentence structure also contribute to the glamourised effect. The article from The Independent begins with having short sentence structure which goes straight into the story, capturing the readers attention, Yet the information given are uncertain and rather vague, using phrases such as: perhaps, no one yet knows and but for some reason. This combines the facts with an element of mystery and so it creates suspense and stirs the readers inquisitiveness.The Independents style is based on the conventions of a fairytale story genre and it is centred on the Williams sisters rise to power. Yet, like all fairytales there is the feature of tragedy and sadly in this particular story, the tragedy triumphs. Yetunde is the victim of this tragedy yet the article concentrates more on the power pair sisters and the glitz and the glamour of countless tournament trophies, of commercial endorsement, of fashion lines. The writers device on using alliteration and anaphora again gives greater impact and excites the reader. It is also part of the fairytale style narrative which prevails throughout the article. The article is also not as harsh and blunt as The Daily Mirror and contains a lot of euphemism. Apart from the euphemistic descriptions of her final hours, Yetunde is little mentioned in comparison to her sisters in The Independent. This is due to the fact that she is virtually unknown and so the writer does not want to lose the readers attention. However, the reader may then come to view fame, wealth and prestige is more important then the main story. There is undeniably a disproportionate focus on the more admired of the Williams sisters, which centres on their background, upraising and lifestyle that it overshadows the main story. Little of the article is dedicated to Yetunde as there is hardly any mention of her upbringing and characteristics. The pictures creates the impression of all the sisters close bond which emphasis their grief over the loss of Yetunde. Despite of this, Yetunde herself is not central figure of the picture. She is instead placed on the far left and she is facing away from her sisters. The edit or may have this particular image because of her posture and the sombre clothes she is wearing, perphaps as a sign of her approaching demise. The Independent contains some of the important facts on how Yetunde was killed and provides only one witness account. The Daily Mirror contains more witness accounts and expert opinions on the case, which gives a more comprehensive view of the case. Yetunde is also given more attention and the text explores thoroughly the cause of her death by having more of these witness accounts so that it conveys a more striking and stirring effect. As well as this, The Mirror focus more on the the area and the environment the Williams sisters were brought up in, with a small section at the end dedicated to exposing the terrible history of the notorious Crompton district. There is also more background knowledge of their lives, yet it tends to intrude into their private lives as the details given are very personal. The pictures include one of the scene of the crime, which is very much like a scene from a Hollywood film and a picture of the weapon used so that the reader may feel more disturbed at the killing yet inclined to read on. The biggest picture shows Yetunde and her sister Serena attending a glittering awa rd ceremony which again dramatise the story. The striking headline of The Daily Mirror, Killed With AK47 is not only blunt but written in capital letters and spread across the page so that it conveys shock to the reader. The smaller headings above and beneathe it is a brief explanation of what happen yet it creates an element of suspense. The Stars Sister is Murdered in particular outlines the nature of the story so the reader would expect a lot of sensationalism. The main picture of Yetunde and Serena is in fact bigger than the the text itself but it has been enlarged so that the reader would think that Yetunde herself is a celebrity and raises the importance of the article. The other pictures are placed on the left side of the main image so the reader could see the contrast between them, and so come to understand the harsh reality of Yetunde life. The small section at the end has the heading Streets of Fear which is a metaphor and conveys to the reader the true nature of the district they were brought up in. The Independent shows none of these pictures of Crompton but instead has only one picture which is the same size of the text, so there is less sensationalism. The article itself is half the siz e of The Mirror due to lack of information so the reader may come to view this story as insignificant. It is also placed on page 11 as opposed to the tabloid which placed it on page 4 and 5, so here there is not as much hype around the story. The headlines are less blunt and there is also the use of italics on the words: fairytale, close-knit family and grief which sways the readers emotions. As I have analysized above, the two newspaper articles shows contrasting representations of the same story. The Mirror with its tendency to exaggerate the stories, presents this article with the features of fame, glamour and explicit descriptions. The editor is obviously aware of the fact that sensationalism sells. The Independent, despite its lack of information, has actually taken the more dignified approach by showing respect for the deceased with going into too much information the gory details. It could be argued that The Mirror is rather inappropiate in immorally cashing in on Yetundes death, yet their story is in the readers interest since not only is Yetunde mentioned more but it covers many aspects of her life and personality in tribute to her. Whereas the editors motive in presenting the article the way it does in The Indep endent might be in conflict with the reader as they are likely to want more information on Yetunde and the nature of her horrific death instead of Serena and Venus. In our society today, we as the audience are becoming increasingly concerned, bordering on obsessiveness, with the lives of the rich and the famous. The media understands and encourages our curiosity by publicising more and more stories on celebrities. This could affect the quality of the news we consume, especially in tabloids, where instead of presenting the more serious stories, we are swamped with excessive news on the famous.

Wuthering Heights: Questions and Answers

Wuthering Heights: Questions and Answers Mr. Lockwood remembered he was sleeping on a wooden bed and the wind and tree branches were hitting the window. He was so upset by the noise, while, in a dream, got up and tried to open the window. He failed, because seems the window was welded, and then broke the glass with his fist and pulled his hand to remove the annoying branch, but instead of the branch he felt a small icy hand, touching him. He was terrified, and wanted to remove his arm, but the little hand grabbed him while he begged her to let him go, Mr. Lockwood asked him who she was and she replied: Catherine Linton, she said she got lost and she was back home now. He did not know why he remembered the name Linton, although he had read twenty times the surname Earnshaw. He looked and saw the face of a girl through the window. He was horrified, trying to get rid of the girl, she was grabbing his fists against the glass, until the glass cut his fists and the blood came and soaked the sheets, she kept moaning, Let me in,. Mr. Lockwood was completely terrorized. He asked her to let him go, the ghost of Catherine eased the pressure. He put his hand inside through the gap of broken glass; He tried to put books in the whole of the broken glass, and covered his ears, avoiding to listen the painful plea. He waited some time, maybe fifteen minutes, but once again he heard the same plea. Go away! Mr. Lockwood told Catherine. Catherines ghost seemed to enter and push the books, the scream terrified. That scream was not a dreaming. Steps approached the door of the bedroom. Someone opened the door, Mr. Lockwood sat in his bed, sweating, trembling terrified. Make some predictions: Heathcliff next begs Cathy to come to him once more. Who do you think this older Cathy might have been? Why might she be haunting Wuthering Heights? I think Heathcliff was in love with this older Cathy; she must passed away and left him alone in pain with his love. Chapter Four: Mrs. Dean explains the relationships between the various characters so far. Refer to the Family Tree that you created for the Character Activity; it shows a near-incestuous series of intermarriages. Choose the letter of the correct completion for each sentence below: Heathcliff is Hareton Earnshaws i. Father ii. Uncle iii. Father-in-law iv. Step-brother Catherine Linton is Heathcliffs i. Daughter ii. Foster sister iii. Wife iv. Daughter-in-law Hareton is Catherine Lintons i. Step-brother ii. Brother iii. Cousin iv. No relation We now have two narrators for the novel. Although the novel is told through a first person point-of-view, Brontes strategy results in more omniscience than we might normally expect. Explain. Choose the correct explanation for Heathcliffs arrival in the Earnshaw family: Mr. Earnshaw went to Liverpool on a business trip and brought a gypsy boy home with him. Mrs. Earnshaw objected strenuously, but her husband insisted that they name the boy after their dead son, Heathcliff, and that they raise him as their own. Both Cathy and Hindley hated the little stranger and bullied him well into his teens. Mr. Earnshaw returned from a business trip with a black peasant boy that he had rescued from the city streets. Named Heathcliff, he proved to be a quiet, uncomplaining child, even when ill. Nelly Dean was his only ally, however, as no one else in the family would have anything to do with him. Hindley beat Heathcliff every chance he got, and Catherine left him on the stairs rather than permit him a bed in the house. Mr. Earnshaw went to Liverpool on business, and brought a ragged, dark child home with him. Heathcliff, as he came to be named, became Mr. Earnshaws favorite, over his own two children, which caused Hindley, the eldest, to hate the newcomer. The rivalry between Hindley and Heathcliff sometimes turned violent. Chapter Five: Identify two Gothic elements of the novel from the first five chapters. Bad weather accompanies unpleasant events. Lockwood meets Catherines ghost during an unseasonable and unexpected snowstorm, Mr. Earnshaw dies while a high wind blustered round the house and roared in the chimney, and Heathcliff runs away while a storm came rattling over the Heights in full fury What is the main event of this chapter? Mr. Earnshaw started to get sicker and his character was getting worse, and more and more he preferred to Heathcliff over his own son, the relationship between his son and Heathcliff got worse by the day. Mr. Earnshaw protected more Heathcliff than Hindley, until finally he sent his son away from Wuthering Heights, Mr. Earnshaw finally died one night in the company of old Cathy. Chapter Six: Chapter 6 employs a time-honoured strategy for throwing together potential lovers: the lady becomes ill or injured and cannot leave the gentlemans home for a protracted length of time. Explain why Catherine went to the Lintons in the first place and describe the event that led to her remaining at Thrushcross Grange. Heathcliff and Cathy went to spy on the Lintons family just to get away from Hindley, but the dogs found them and got Cathy from her leg, she was hurt and was asked to stay at the Lintons while Heathcliff was asked to leave. She stayed at Thrushcross Grange five weeks until her ankle was complete cure. She came different, was not a savage anymore instead was a pretty lady now. Heathcliff isnt invited to stay because he is so ragged and dirty. He was not always this way. Why is he no longer Catherines equal? Because his protector Mr. Earnshaw died and since he didnt have anyone to take care of him and Hindley hated him, Heathcliff was reduced to be a servant and to do more work, Hindley did not let him live as part of the family anymore. Chapter Seven: Nelly Dean finds fault with Heathcliffs face. What advice does she give him to improve its expression of a vicious cur? Nelly Dean recommended Heathcliff to change his attitude and try to learn to smooth away the surly wrinkles, to raise his frankly, and to change that expression of an angry dog. Nelly disobeys Hindleys orders and allows Heathcliff to have some of the cakes that are reserved for Catherine and the Lintons, but Heathcliff has no appetite for them. Instead, he is meditating on what subject? Heathcliff is meditating in how Cathy forgot already about him and comparing himself with Edgar Linton, he felt miserable and lonely. Chapter Eight: Hindleys son, Hareton, is born, but his beloved wife dies. First, describe Hindleys reaction to the death, and next, explain how we know that Hindley can be dangerous. Hindley seems to live his son in the beginning however he started drinking too much, losing control of his acts and one day he tried to kill his own son dropping him from upstairs when Heathcliff unintentionally saved him. Hindley was violent and willing to hurt anyone when was drunk, It was definitely no save at all for anyone of the house to be with him. Catherine reveals her unpleasant side. What two things does she do? Cathering ordered Edgar to stop crying because his brother was coming, after Heathcliff threw a tureen of hot apple sauce in Edgars face and neck. And was very rude to Isabella being sarcastic, asking her if anyone hurt her, because Isabella was crying after the unpleasant incident between Heathcliff and his brother Edgar Linton.